Перевод: со словенского на английский

с английского на словенский

in my opinion

  • 1 mnenje

    idea, judgement, mind, opinion, thought

    Slovenian-english dictionary > mnenje

  • 2 borna

    I. borna I Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b/c Proto-Slavic meaning: `harrow'
    Page in Trubačev: II 204-206
    Russian:
    boroná `harrow' [f ā], bóronu [Accs]
    Old Russian:
    borona `harrow' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    boroná `harrow' [f ā]
    Czech:
    brány `harrow' [Nomplf ā]
    Slovak:
    brány `harrow' [Nomplf ā]
    Polish:
    brona `harrow' [f ā] \{1\}
    Slovincian:
    bǻrnă `harrow' [f]
    Upper Sorbian:
    bróna `harrow' [f ā]
    Polabian:
    bornă `harrow' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    brána `harrow' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    brána `harrow' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    brána `harrow' [f ā];
    braná (dial.) `harrow' [f ā]
    Macedonian:
    brana `harrow' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰorH-neh₂
    Page in Pokorny: 133
    Comments: According to the ESSJa, *borna `harrow' and *borna `guarded entrance, barrier' belong to one and the same root. Though this may be correct, I prefer to leave it an open question whether these words may be identified. In my opinion, this is tantamount to leaving the question whether PSl. *borti, Lat. ferīre and OIc. berja are cognate with Gk. φαρόωσι, Lat. forāre and OIc. bora unanswered.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. φαρόωσι `plough' [3pl];
    Lat. forāre `perforate' [verb];
    OIc bora `perforate, drill' [verb];
    OHG borōn `perforate, drill' [verb] \{2\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} We find attestations of bróna ( bruna) from the 16th century onwards (Sɫawski SP I: 324).
    II. borna II Grammatical information: f. ā
    Page in Trubačev: II 204-206
    Old Russian:
    borona `defence' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    boróna `defence' [f ā]
    Czech:
    brána `entrance, gate, defences' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    brána `fortification, gate' [f]
    Slovak:
    brána `gate, guarded entrance' [f ā]
    Polish:
    brona `(arch.) fortified gate, movable part of a gate' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    brána `dam, weir, barrier, defender, defence' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    brána `protection, defence' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    braná (dial.) `dam, weir' [f ā]
    Macedonian:
    brana `dam, weir' [f]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰorH-neh₂
    Page in Pokorny: 133
    Comments: See borna I.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > borna

  • 3 bỳstrъ

    bỳstrъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `quick'
    Page in Trubačev: III 153-154
    Old Church Slavic:
    bystrъ `quick' [adj o]
    Russian:
    býstryj `quick' [adj o]
    Czech:
    bystrý `quick, sharp-witted' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    bystrý `quick, sharp-witted' [adj o]
    Polish:
    bystry `quick, sharp-witted' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    bȉstar `clear, transparent, quick' [adj o]
    Slovene:
    bístǝr `quick, vivacious, transparent' [adj o]
    Bulgarian:
    bístăr `clear, transparent' [adj o]
    Page in Pokorny: 146
    Comments: Attempts have been made to connect *bỳstrъ with -> bъ̀drъ `cheerful, lively', which derives from PIE * bʰudʰ-. This etymology fails to provide an explanation for the acute *y, however. We could assume that the root is simply * by- `be', but in that case the origin of the the suffix would be unclear. In my opinion, it is not unattractive to assume a connection with Skt. bhū́ṣati `support, be active for assume, strengthen', the root of which is probably an s-enlargement of * bʰu- `be'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bỳstrъ

  • 4 edìnъ

    edìnъ; edьnъ Grammatical information: num. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `one'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 11-13
    Old Church Slavic:
    jedinъ `one' [num o];
    jedьnъ `one' [num o] \{1\}
    Russian:
    odín `one' [num o], odnogó [Gens], odná [Nomsf]
    Czech:
    jeden `one' [num o]
    Polish:
    jeden `one' [num o];
    jedyny `only' [num o]
    Old Polish:
    jedziny `only' [num o]
    Slovincian:
    jȧ̃dĕn `one' [num o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèdan `one' [num o], jȅdna [Nomsf];
    Čak. jedå̃n (Vrgada) `one' [num o], jednȁ [Nomsf], jednȍ [Nomsn];
    Čak. jedãn (Orbanići) `one, some, a certain, a' [num o], jenȁ [Nomsf], jenȍ [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    edín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    jedín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    édǝn `one' [num o];
    jédǝn `one' [num o];
    èn `one' [num o]
    Bulgarian:
    edín `one' [num. o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁edʰ-HiH-no-
    IE meaning: one
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 284, 286
    Comments: In view of Ru. odín, Gsg. odnogó etc., the form *jedьnь must be due to analogy. The vowel of the second syllable behaves similarly to a so-called "tense jer": in strong postion we find i (sometimes e), in weak position the vowel is lost. This behaviour might be linked to the j of *jьnъ. Though the j, which before words beginning with a front vowel had arisen as an automatic Hiatustilger, is absent in *jedinъ/jedьnъ, it is conceivable that it conformed to the pattern of *jьnъ. The problem with this hypothesis is that forms with *jn- < *jьn appear to be lacking. Andersen's reconstruction *edeino- next to *edino- (1996: 116) is, in my opinion, an unsatisfactory explanation for the alternation mentioned above. The origin of the element *jed- < *(h₁)edʰ- is unclear. Pokorny's reconstruction *ed- is in conflict with Winter's law.
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form with ь is less common than jedinъ.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > edìnъ

  • 5 edьnъ

    edìnъ; edьnъ Grammatical information: num. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `one'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 11-13
    Old Church Slavic:
    jedinъ `one' [num o];
    jedьnъ `one' [num o] \{1\}
    Russian:
    odín `one' [num o], odnogó [Gens], odná [Nomsf]
    Czech:
    jeden `one' [num o]
    Polish:
    jeden `one' [num o];
    jedyny `only' [num o]
    Old Polish:
    jedziny `only' [num o]
    Slovincian:
    jȧ̃dĕn `one' [num o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèdan `one' [num o], jȅdna [Nomsf];
    Čak. jedå̃n (Vrgada) `one' [num o], jednȁ [Nomsf], jednȍ [Nomsn];
    Čak. jedãn (Orbanići) `one, some, a certain, a' [num o], jenȁ [Nomsf], jenȍ [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    edín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    jedín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    édǝn `one' [num o];
    jédǝn `one' [num o];
    èn `one' [num o]
    Bulgarian:
    edín `one' [num. o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁edʰ-HiH-no-
    IE meaning: one
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 284, 286
    Comments: In view of Ru. odín, Gsg. odnogó etc., the form *jedьnь must be due to analogy. The vowel of the second syllable behaves similarly to a so-called "tense jer": in strong postion we find i (sometimes e), in weak position the vowel is lost. This behaviour might be linked to the j of *jьnъ. Though the j, which before words beginning with a front vowel had arisen as an automatic Hiatustilger, is absent in *jedinъ/jedьnъ, it is conceivable that it conformed to the pattern of *jьnъ. The problem with this hypothesis is that forms with *jn- < *jьn appear to be lacking. Andersen's reconstruction *edeino- next to *edino- (1996: 116) is, in my opinion, an unsatisfactory explanation for the alternation mentioned above. The origin of the element *jed- < *(h₁)edʰ- is unclear. Pokorny's reconstruction *ed- is in conflict with Winter's law.
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form with ь is less common than jedinъ.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > edьnъ

  • 6 ȅzero

    ȅzero; ȅzerъ Grammatical information: n. o; m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `lake'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 33-34
    Old Church Slavic:
    jezero `lake' [n o];
    jezerъ (Zogr., Ass.) `lake' [Accm o]
    Russian:
    ózero `lake' [n o]
    Czech:
    jezero `lake' [n o]
    Slovak:
    jazero `lake' [n o];
    jeźer (E. dial.) `lake' [m o]
    Polish:
    jezioro `lake' [n o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jězer `lake' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȅzero `lake' [n o], jezèra [Nom p];
    Čak. jȅzero (Vrgada) `lake' [n o], jezerå̃ [Nom p];
    Čak. jȅzero?? (Novi) `lake' [n o], jȅzera [Nom p];
    jȅzēr `lake' [m o]
    Slovene:
    ję̑zerọ `lake' [n o];
    ję̑zer `lake' [m o];
    jezer `lake' [f i]
    Bulgarian:
    ézero `lake' [n o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: éźero
    Lithuanian:
    ẽžeras `lake' [m o] 3b
    Latvian:
    ęzęrs `lake' [m o];
    ęzars `lake' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    assaran `lake' [n]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁eǵʰ-(e)r-o-
    IE meaning: lake
    Certainty: -
    Comments: In view of "Rozwadowski's change", the reconstruction of the anlaut offers a number of alternatives (*h₂e-, *h₃e-, *Ho-), but not if the etymon under discussion belongs to *ězъ `balk, weir', which in my opinion is the case. A cognate outside Balto-Slavic is Arm. ezr `bank, border, limit' < *h₁(e)ǵʰ- (-> *ězъ for the semantic apects of the etymology). Note that the short initial vowel of *jȅzero requires the reconstruction of an aspirated velar anyhow (Winter's law). The connection with the Greek mythological river Α᾽ χέρων is dubious.
    Other cognates:
    Arm. ezr `edge, border, bank' [r]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȅzero

  • 7 ȅzerъ

    ȅzero; ȅzerъ Grammatical information: n. o; m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `lake'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 33-34
    Old Church Slavic:
    jezero `lake' [n o];
    jezerъ (Zogr., Ass.) `lake' [Accm o]
    Russian:
    ózero `lake' [n o]
    Czech:
    jezero `lake' [n o]
    Slovak:
    jazero `lake' [n o];
    jeźer (E. dial.) `lake' [m o]
    Polish:
    jezioro `lake' [n o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jězer `lake' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȅzero `lake' [n o], jezèra [Nom p];
    Čak. jȅzero (Vrgada) `lake' [n o], jezerå̃ [Nom p];
    Čak. jȅzero?? (Novi) `lake' [n o], jȅzera [Nom p];
    jȅzēr `lake' [m o]
    Slovene:
    ję̑zerọ `lake' [n o];
    ję̑zer `lake' [m o];
    jezer `lake' [f i]
    Bulgarian:
    ézero `lake' [n o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: éźero
    Lithuanian:
    ẽžeras `lake' [m o] 3b
    Latvian:
    ęzęrs `lake' [m o];
    ęzars `lake' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    assaran `lake' [n]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁eǵʰ-(e)r-o-
    IE meaning: lake
    Certainty: -
    Comments: In view of "Rozwadowski's change", the reconstruction of the anlaut offers a number of alternatives (*h₂e-, *h₃e-, *Ho-), but not if the etymon under discussion belongs to *ězъ `balk, weir', which in my opinion is the case. A cognate outside Balto-Slavic is Arm. ezr `bank, border, limit' < *h₁(e)ǵʰ- (-> *ězъ for the semantic apects of the etymology). Note that the short initial vowel of *jȅzero requires the reconstruction of an aspirated velar anyhow (Winter's law). The connection with the Greek mythological river Α᾽ χέρων is dubious.
    Other cognates:
    Arm. ezr `edge, border, bank' [r]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȅzerъ

  • 8 elьcь

    elьcь Grammatical information: m. jo Proto-Slavic meaning: `dace'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 22-23
    Russian:
    eléc `dace' [m jo], el'cá [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    jaléc' `bleak' [m jo]
    Czech:
    jelec `dace, chub' [m jo]
    Slovak:
    jalec `dace, chub' [m jo]
    Polish:
    jelec `dace' [m jo]
    Kashubian:
    i̯el `a fish' [m jo??]
    Lower Sorbian:
    jalc `dace' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jálac `dace' [m jo];
    jal (dial.) `ide' [m o??]
    Indo-European reconstruction: eliko-
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 302-304
    Comments: As Trubačëv observes (VI: 305), the semantics of Pokorny's root *el- are capacious and complex. In my opinion, there is little evidence for a root *el- `light-coloured'. It is tempting to seek a connection between *jelьcь and OHG alunt `ide'. Pokorny identifies what is presumedly the root of the latter word with the first element of *albʰo- `white' and links it to *el-. Since the fish-names under discussion refer to shining, whitish species, this is semantically unproblematic. Nevertheless, it seems quite possible that the root *al/el (Slavic *el as a result of Rozwadowski's change?) originates from a substratum language.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > elьcь

  • 9 gъrbъ

    gъrbъ; gъrba Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hump'
    Page in Trubačev: VII 199-201
    Church Slavic:
    grobъ (Bon.) `back, hump' [m o];
    grobь (Pog.) `back, hump' [m o]
    Russian:
    gorb `hump, (dial.) back' [m o]
    Czech:
    hrb `hump, mound, lump' [m o]
    Slovak:
    hrb `hump, mound, lump' [m o]
    Polish:
    garb `hump' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    gȓb `back' [m o];
    gȑba `hump' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    gȓb `hump, back, wrinkle' [m o];
    gŕba `hump, back, wrinkle' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    grăb `back' [m o];
    gắrba `hump' [f ā]
    Old Prussian:
    garbis [ grabis] (EV) `hill' \{1\}
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 387
    Comments: In my opinion, it is preferable to separate * gъrbъ from -> *grǫbъ, * grubъ `coarse, rude'. Of course, the roots may have influenced one another. We may reconstruct * grbʰ-, if we wish to stick to Indo-European terms, perhaps an enlarged of a root meaning `bend' (cf. Mažiulis PKEŽ IV: 324-326).
    Notes:
    \{1\} The emendation is justified by many place-names, e.g. Gailgarben or Geylegarben `Weissenberg'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > gъrbъ

  • 10 gъrba

    gъrbъ; gъrba Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hump'
    Page in Trubačev: VII 199-201
    Church Slavic:
    grobъ (Bon.) `back, hump' [m o];
    grobь (Pog.) `back, hump' [m o]
    Russian:
    gorb `hump, (dial.) back' [m o]
    Czech:
    hrb `hump, mound, lump' [m o]
    Slovak:
    hrb `hump, mound, lump' [m o]
    Polish:
    garb `hump' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    gȓb `back' [m o];
    gȑba `hump' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    gȓb `hump, back, wrinkle' [m o];
    gŕba `hump, back, wrinkle' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    grăb `back' [m o];
    gắrba `hump' [f ā]
    Old Prussian:
    garbis [ grabis] (EV) `hill' \{1\}
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 387
    Comments: In my opinion, it is preferable to separate * gъrbъ from -> *grǫbъ, * grubъ `coarse, rude'. Of course, the roots may have influenced one another. We may reconstruct * grbʰ-, if we wish to stick to Indo-European terms, perhaps an enlarged of a root meaning `bend' (cf. Mažiulis PKEŽ IV: 324-326).
    Notes:
    \{1\} The emendation is justified by many place-names, e.g. Gailgarben or Geylegarben `Weissenberg'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > gъrba

  • 11 matorъ

    matorъ; materъ Grammatical information: adj. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 244-249
    Church Slavic:
    matorъ `old' [adj o]
    Russian:
    matëryj `experienced, full-grown' [adj o];
    materój `full-grown' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁtor `old, elderly' [adj o]
    Slovene:
    matǫ́r `old' [adj o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂tor-
    IE meaning: mother
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: While the ESSJ (Trubačëv) states that *matorъ(jь) is older than *materъ(jь), the same dictionary considers the o-grade of the suffix in *matorьnъ(jь) as well as the meaning of this formation (in comparison with materьnъ(jь) `motherly') to be late. The point is, however, that *matorьnъ(jь) and *matorьnъ(jь) may not be cognate with *mȁti at all. Lat. mātūrus has been connected with mānus `good', OIr. maith `id.' (Pokorny 693, Ernout - Meillet s.v., Schrijver 1991: 143). In Trubačëv's dictionary, the connection with the latter form is dismissed. Instead, *matorъ(jь) is considered cognate with both *mȁti and mātūrus (with references to Trubačëv 19??: 32 and - incorrectly - Meillet 1902-1905 II: 407, where merely the connection with māne and mātūrus is considered). Yet another etymology was proposed by Vaillant, who tried to link the Slavic etymon to words meaning `big', such as OPr. muis `bigger' (1961: 189). In my opinion, Lat. mātūrus has the best chance of being cognate with *matorъ(jь) etc. (pace Vasmer s.v. matëryj). The connection with *mȁti cannot be disproved on formal grounds but there are sufficient semantic reasons for keeping this word apart. Athough ultimately we may be dealing with the same root, it is unlikely that *matorъ(jь) is a recent derivative of *mȁti.
    Other cognates:
    Lat. mātūrus `ripe, mature, premature' [adj];
    Lat. mānus `good' [adj]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > matorъ

  • 12 materъ

    matorъ; materъ Grammatical information: adj. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 244-249
    Church Slavic:
    matorъ `old' [adj o]
    Russian:
    matëryj `experienced, full-grown' [adj o];
    materój `full-grown' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁtor `old, elderly' [adj o]
    Slovene:
    matǫ́r `old' [adj o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂tor-
    IE meaning: mother
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: While the ESSJ (Trubačëv) states that *matorъ(jь) is older than *materъ(jь), the same dictionary considers the o-grade of the suffix in *matorьnъ(jь) as well as the meaning of this formation (in comparison with materьnъ(jь) `motherly') to be late. The point is, however, that *matorьnъ(jь) and *matorьnъ(jь) may not be cognate with *mȁti at all. Lat. mātūrus has been connected with mānus `good', OIr. maith `id.' (Pokorny 693, Ernout - Meillet s.v., Schrijver 1991: 143). In Trubačëv's dictionary, the connection with the latter form is dismissed. Instead, *matorъ(jь) is considered cognate with both *mȁti and mātūrus (with references to Trubačëv 19??: 32 and - incorrectly - Meillet 1902-1905 II: 407, where merely the connection with māne and mātūrus is considered). Yet another etymology was proposed by Vaillant, who tried to link the Slavic etymon to words meaning `big', such as OPr. muis `bigger' (1961: 189). In my opinion, Lat. mātūrus has the best chance of being cognate with *matorъ(jь) etc. (pace Vasmer s.v. matëryj). The connection with *mȁti cannot be disproved on formal grounds but there are sufficient semantic reasons for keeping this word apart. Athough ultimately we may be dealing with the same root, it is unlikely that *matorъ(jь) is a recent derivative of *mȁti.
    Other cognates:
    Lat. mātūrus `ripe, mature, premature' [adj];
    Lat. mānus `good' [adj]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > materъ

  • 13 mьglà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьglà

  • 14 mьgà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьgà

  • 15 miglъ

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > miglъ

  • 16 sǫdъ

    sǫ́dъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `court of law, trial, verdict, judgment'
    Old Church Slavic:
    sǫdъ `court of law, trial, verdict, judgment' [m o]
    Russian:
    sud `court of law, trial' [m o], sudá [Gens]
    Czech:
    soud `court of law, trial, verdict, judgment' [m o]
    Slovak:
    súd `court of law, trial, verdict, judgment' [m o]
    Polish:
    sąd `court of law, trial, verdict, judgment' [m o], sądu [Gens]
    Slovincian:
    sȯ́ųd `court of law, trial' [m o], sȯ́ųdu̇ [Gens]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    sȗd `court of law, trial, judgment, opinion' [m o], súda [Gens];
    Čak. sũd (Vrgada) `court of law, trial' [m o], sūdȁ [Gens];
    Čak. sũt (Orbanići) `court of law' [m o]
    Slovene:
    sǫ́d `verdict, court of law' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    săd `court of law' [m o]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > sǫdъ

  • 17 vysòkъ

    vysòkъ Grammatical information: adj. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `high'
    Old Church Slavic:
    vysokъ `high' [adj o]
    Russian:
    vysókij `high, tall' [adj o];
    vysók `high, tall' [adj o], vysoká [Nomsf], vysokó [Nomsn]
    Czech:
    vysoký `high, tall' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    vysoký `high' [adj o]
    Polish:
    wysoki `high, tall' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    vìsok `high, tall' [adj o], visòka [Nomsf], visòko [Nomsn];
    Čak. visȍk (Vrgada) `high, tall' [adj o], visokȁ [Nomsf], visokȍ [Nomsn];
    Čak. visȍk (Orbanići) `high, tall' [adj o], visȍka [Nomsf], visȍko [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    visòk `high' [adj o]
    Bulgarian:
    visók `high, tall' [adj o]
    Comments: For the suffix *- okъ, cf. -> *glǫbòkъ, *dalèkъ. The suffix is absent in the comparative, e.g. Ru. výše, SCr. vìšē, Sln. vȋše, where we also find the original acute tone. The root is usually reconstructed as * ūps-, cf. Gk. ὑψηλός `high'. Kortlandt (1977) has argued that in Balto-Slavic initial *u yielded acute "long" *u (Lith. ū́, PSl. *vy) under the stress and short *u in pretonic position. The acute variant is supposed to have originated from a Balto-Slavic prothetic laryngeal. Now that an number of examples can be explained by Winter's law, the evidence for Kortlandt's explanation has been weakened. Nevertheless, the Slavic situation regarding initial *u undeniably resembles the situation regarding initial *i, where I have claimed (2003) that stressed *i- yielded * (j)i under the stress, but *jь in unstressed position. In my opinion, it is likely that the reflex * vy- originated in stressed position, cf. vỳsь and the comparative vỳše.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ὑψηλός `high' [adj];
    OIr. úasal `high, lofty' [adj]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > vysòkъ

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